Impacts of Terrorism, Political Conflict and War on Children

Impacts of Terrorism, Political Conflict and War on Children Asrar Ali Abstract In the light of literatures, this paper will discuss the acute psychological responses of children during terrorism, the psychological impacts throughout the childhood period. The long term psychological effects of armed conflicts on the child’s life and personality and finally, exploring the important, resilient characteristics of children from the literature, to integrate them for the psychological well-being of victim children of Pakistan. Introduction to Pakistan’s Socio-Political Situation and The Rationales for Choosing the Topic Pakistan, the country with a very significant geographical location, is also a front line in the war against terrorism. The country allied with the USA in the war against the Soviet Union and then against the Taliban. The war resulted in drastic socio-cultural damage, economic loss, and destruction of schools and educational organizations. The people faced multiple forced internal displacements and also loss of thousands of innocent Pakistani citizens, including children (Khan, 2011). The country faces political issues and conflicts every day and the situations are still in a treacherous and unrest political condition. As a result, the country has faced multiple military takeovers in the past. These are open and obvious losses, but there is an additional cost that the country’s children are paying every day, a psychological cost. Children’s exposure to the severe traumatic situations cause toxic psychological shock. Loss of family members in the war field has left the c hildren in an insecure and hopeless position. The disabilities caused by the wars have lifelong social and psychological impacts. The rationales behind choosing this topic as a scholarly paper of psychology are: Firstly, political conflicts and terrorism are the priority and current issues of Pakistan, making the paper very relevant in the Pakistani context. Secondly, no doubt every individual citizen is suffering, but children are the most vulnerable group for the drastic psychological distresses caused by these situations. Thirdly, the literature states that during childhood, the brain develops rapidly and events in this period have immense effects on the psychological development. Lastly, exploring the resilient characteristics, which can protect the child from harmful psychological consequences of brutal terrorism and rough political conflicts. Acute Psychological Response of Children in Terrorism, armed Conflicts and War Children exposed to terrorist activities including bombing, slaughtering of human beings in front of their innocent eyes, killing of their family members, friends, or relatives, and the non-human brutal acts of terrorists can be toxic to child psychology. About 88% of children’s psychological reaction to traumatic events such as terrorism are signs of Acute Stress Reaction (ASR), including severe anxiety, low mood, irritability, emotional ups and downs, emotional numbness, and poor sleep and concentration problems (Moscardino, Axia, Scrimin Capello, 2007). As an Afghan citizen, I had harsh childhood experiences. During the Taliban regime, I have been exposed to severe terrorist activities. I have seen people being killed, bombed, executed in the streets, and my own house and neighbors have been hit by missiles, in the incident, I have almost lost my grandfather. I can deeply understand the psychological pain of children exposed to such a brutal non-human situation. In additio n to Acute Stress Reaction (ASR) signs and symptoms, I do remember, I had severe separation anxiety, I had fears of losing my significant figures and an intense feeling of uncertainty about death and life deep inside my heart. Children manifest anxiety in a variety of ways (Saraiya, Garakani Billick, 2013). Children may have difficulty in separating from parents, unrelated anxiety and they can develop somatic complaints (frequent headaches and stomach aches) due to anxiety. The literature further narrates that children develop a sense of hopelessness, loss of self-control and may develop difficulty in trusting adults. An 8-year old girl, M, said â€Å"My father died in the blast. I don’t want to live here any longer† (Aijaz Ambreen, 2014) Children develop complaints of unexplained low appetite, sleep disorders and nightmares. An 11-year old boy, who was at home when the blast (Abbas Town, Karachi) occurred, was crying when he told us, â€Å"I have been feeling reall y anxious since the blast. I cannot sleep† (Aijaz Ambreen, 2014). Psychological Impacts of Terrorism, Political Conflicts and War throughout the Childhood Period The psychological impacts of terrorism are not only limited to acute exposure to traumatic events but have effects throughout childhood. Regression manifests in children who witnessed or exposed to terrorism. Thumb sucking, bed wetting problems, lack of interest in play, increased fear of the dark and, greater difficulties in separating from parents have been noticed in children (Saraiya, Garakani Billick, 2013). Developmental delays, a state when a child cannot achieve appropriate milestones of age, have been recorded in children (Ullah, 2010). Academic and educational performances of children exposed to terrorism are highly suffered (Waheed Ahmad, 2012). I have noticed that, loss of parents, change in family structure and, low support from family result in poorer academic achievement. Development of learning difficulties and attention problems are other reasons for low academic performances, (Saraiya, Garakani Billick, 2013). I remember, when we migrated from Afghanistan to Paki stan for the search of peace and security, we got admission in the school. I, my siblings, and other Afghan classmates, exposed to extreme traumatic events of terrorism, had learning difficulties at school. Once, I failed grade 4 and had to work very hard to catch up with the studies. Children who experienced or witnessed violence acts of militants, developed phobias (Khan, 2011). The phobia can be related to animals, monsters, or any symbols not related to terrorism. Irritability, aggression and, an unusual outburst of anger has reported about children exposed to militancy. A mother complained about her son, ‘‘His character has changed. He generally reacts more strongly now, with much aggression. He thinks that someone wants to hurt him, he feels very offended if you tell him what to do’’ (Moscardino, Axia, Scrimin Capello, 2007). Long Term Psychological Effects of Terrorism, Political Conflicts and War on Personality and Life of Children A vast number of literatures support that, Childhood experiences have significant outcomes in the life and personality development. (Heckman et al., 2012; Black et al., 2007; Alderman et al., 2006; and Almond et al., 2005), as cited in (Kim Lee, 2013). The developmental Psychology shows that early childhood experiences are crucial for the personality development in the long-run. The study of the behavioral genetics shows that differences in temperament measured in the first few years of life do not entirely depend on hereditary factors, but also the environments (Emde, Hewitt Kagan, 2001). Terrorism and conflicts in the environment can be a serious issue for the child psychology. Children exposed to war, witnessed torture or killing of family members and those who lost significant figures in the act of terrorism, are at a higher risk of developing Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) (Ahmada, 2010). PTSD is an anxiety disorder that can be developed after exposure to one or more tr aumatic events that threatened or caused great physical harm (Widiger Costa, 2013; Brunet, Akerib, Birmes, 2007). It is a severe and ongoing emotional reaction to extreme psychological trauma. Individual with PTSD can have the signs and symptoms for up to 20 years after the traumatic event (Boscarino, 1997) cited in (Ahmada, 2010). Antisocial personality and aggressive behavior development are other long term psychological consequences of child exposed to terrorism. According to Qouta, Punamaki El Sarraj, (2008) aggressive and anti-social behaviors are more likely to develop if children are directly exposed to terrorism, including physical violence, being wounded, beaten, detained, or may have lost loved ones in the event. In another study by Yule et al., (2000) showed that survivors have a higher risk of developing specific phobias in the long-run. Ahmada (2010) explains that racial discrimination and blaming wording of society, leads to social isolation and drug abuse. If the w orld blames and discriminates a Pakistani child as a terrorist, the child may be isolated and may adapt drug abuse as an ineffective coping mechanism. Exploring Resilience in Children to Combat Adverse Psychological Effects of Terrorism, Political Conflicts and War War and terrorism adversely disturb the psychology of children, still many children survive and grow healthy, competent, well-adjusted and caring adults. Although many children succumb to serious psychological and physical problem, a substantial number manage to survive and thrive, despite facing adversities (Levine Ion, 2002). Many questions can be posed that, how these children were able to carry on healthy lives? Kanji Cameron, (2010) answer the question in their research, â€Å"exploring the experiences of resilience in Muslim Afghan refugee children†. Each child has unique stories to tell and within their experiential stories are essences of resilience. Drawing Strength from Family Support: In Kanji Cameron’s (2010) research, the Afghan refugee children confidently expressed that their strength came from their family’s enormous support. Family togetherness, not only instills courage, but also gives support and protection. Researcher (Garmezy, 1991; Luther et al., 2000; Masten Coastsworth, 1998) as cited in (Kanji Cameron, 2010) has also identified the presence of caring adults either during or after major stresses as the most important protective factors for children. The extended family structure in Pakistan can enhance more caring and supportive environment for the child. Therefore, families should be advised, to be more helpful, kind and caring during or after the traumatic events. According to Luther, Sawyer, and Brown (2006) as cited in (Kanji Cameron, 2010), their research review of over 50 years on childhood resilience showed that good positive parent-child relationships can generate â€Å"feelings of confi dence, security, and self-efficacy† in children. Community and Social Support: According to Garbarino and Kostelney (1996), as cited in (Kanji Cameron, 2010), in addition to children having individual strength, â€Å"successful adoption and resilience lies in the balance of social supports from and for parents and other adults. It is very important to attract social, governmental and non-governmental organizations’ support for the victim children. National and International media channels can play an important role in drawing attention of these organizations. The organizations can work on maintaining and improving daily activities of children (e.g. Schooling, etc.). Researchers found that, when displaced children attend school, it gives them stability and increase their confidence, self-esteem, problem-solving abilities, and career opportunities (Garbarino Kostelny, 1996; Hek, 2005; Machel, 2001) as cited in (Kanji Cameron, 2010). The support system from social worker and NGOs can have a positive impact on child psycholo gy. Drawing Strength from the Divine Support: The participants in Kanji Cameron’s research (2010), shared their experience of strength from the divine. They explained that they recited the name of Hazrat Ali (The First spiritual leader of Shia Ismaili) as a way of overcoming the fears. According to (Joseph, 1994; Ratrin Hestyani, 2006; Walsh, 2003) as cited in (Kanji Cameron, 2010), practicing faith is also a way of promoting and sustaining resilience within a person in the face of adversity. Personally, when I experienced traumatic terrorist exposure during the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, I recited Naad-e-Ali (Special Shia prayer for overcoming trouble) 3 times. The divine practice gave me a strong sense of resilience. Therefore, promoting divine and religious practices in children can be useful in psychological well-being. Conclusion The major acute psychological responses of children, when exposed to terrorism are Acute Stress Reaction (ASR), severe anxiety, emotional numbness and sleep disorders. Development of hopelessness and the difficulty in separating from parents are the main acute concern. The impacts are not limited to the acute phase of trauma, but the events have an effect throughout the childhood. Regression and developmental delays are noticed in children. The academic and educational performances of children are suffering. Low grades, avoidance of school, poorer academic achievements and learning difficulties are the major concerns. The literatures give evidence of long-term impacts on personality development of children. Development of Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) was the most evident impact. The sign and symptoms of the disorder can be manifested for up to 20 years after the trauma. Anti-social and aggressive personality developments are vital long-term consequences. Furthermore, childre n develop specific phobias, social isolation, and involve in drug abuse, later in their lives. The literature explains that although terrorism and armed conflicts have adverse effects on children, still they can grow up as a healthy, competent and caring adult, by having certain resilient characteristics. The resilient characteristics are strengthened by support, love, kindness, and protective nature of family. At the last, the literatures and researchers showed that, during warlike situations, social support, religious and divine practices play an important role in children’s psychological well-being. References Ahmada, A. (2010). War and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder in Children: A Review. Aijaz, A., Ambreen, U. (2014). Case Studies: Female and Child Survivors of a Bomb-Blast in Pakistan.J Trauma Treat S,4, 21671222. Emde, R., Hewitt, J., Kagan, J. (2001).Infancy to early childhood(1st Ed.). Oxford:  Oxford University Press. Kanji, Z., Cameron, B. (2010). Exploring the experiences of resilience in Muslim Afghan refugee children.Journal Of Muslim Mental Health,5 (1), 2240. Khan, Z. (2011). Military Operations in FATA and PATA: Implications for Pakistan.  Institute  Of Strategic Studies, Islamabad (ISSI). Kim, Y., Lee, J. (2013). The long-run impact of traumatic experience on risk aversion. Levine, S., Ion, H. (2002).Against terrible odds(1st Ed.). Boulder, Colo.: Bull Pub. Co. Moscardino, U., Axia, G., Scrimin, S., Capello, F. (2007). Narratives from caregivers of  children surviving the terrorist attack in Beslan: Issues of health, culture, and  resilience.Social Science Medicine, 64 (8), 17761787. Qouta, S., Punamaki, R., El Sarraj, E. (2008). Child development and family mental health  in war and military violence: The Palestinian experience.  International Journal Of  Behavioral Development,32(4), 310321. Saraiya, A., Garakani, A., Billick, S. (2013). Mental health approaches to child victims of  acts of terrorism.  Psychiatric Quarterly,84 (1), 115124. Ullah, J. (2010). The Life of Children After the War on Terror.  Pakistan Journal Of  Criminology, 2 (1). Waheed, A., Ahmad, M. (2012). Socioeconomic Impacts of Terrorism on Affected Families  in Lahore, Pakistan.Journal Of Aggression, Maltreatment Trauma,21 (2), 202222. Widiger, T., Costa, P. (2013).Personality disorders and the five-factor model of  personality(1st Ed.). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Yule, W., Bolton, D., Udwin, O., Boyle, S., ORyan, D., Nurrish, J. (2000). The long-term  psychological effects of a disaster experienced in adolescence: I: The incidence and  course of PTSD.Journal Of Child Psychology And Psychiatry,41(4), 503511.

Comparing Nothings Changed and Half-Caste Essay -- Tatamkhulu Afrika

Comparing Nothing's Changed and Half-Caste Half-Caste and Nothing's Changed are two poems that, despite having different subjects, are full of similarities. Both Half-Caste and Nothing's Changed express anger. Although, the object of their anger is different. The anger in Half-Caste is directed at language, or more specifically the use of one phrase while the anger in Nothing's Changed is towards a culture. In Half-Caste Caribbean dialect is used. Nothing's Changed is written in standard English. However, both writers chose to use free verse meaning that neither poem follows specific rules or patterns. In Half-Caste the poem is written from the writer's viewpoint. Which means the reader is able to see the writer's personal feelings about the term half-caste. The opening line, "Excuse me" shows that the poem is written from the writer's point of view as excuse me is a phrase used by someone when they want to start a conversation. I feel that if the poem was written from another person's viewpoint it would lose some of it's effect. The emotion in the poem would come across less strongly and seem less real, as it wouldn't be certain whether the writer actually feels the anger expressed in the poem or just thinks that people might feel that way. Half-Caste is written as a conversation and therefore is in first person. You can see that the poem is a conversation in lines such as line 33 where it says, "Ah listening to yu..." and line 47, "...yu must come back tomorrow." Both of these lines show that the poet is talking to another person. I think this is good as it is original. I also think it makes the poem more personal to you as you read it and so, perhaps, makes you think more about what Agard is saying... ...runch" demonstrate the hostility of the environment and the cans means there is litter, often places affected by litter are run down areas, areas that are not taken care of or unlived in. In the second stanza, he uses repetition of the word and to emphasize that every part of his body has been affected. Contrast comes through in his description of the inn and the surrounding area. Line 20, "...... the grass and weeds." points out the difference between the posh new inn and it's location. Afrika uses contrast later on in the poem too. In fact, stanza five, entirely contrasts stanza four, and is there to demonstrate the huge differences between the lives of whites and blacks. Agard uses simple and direct language in Half-Caste. This allows him to get his point across to the reader more easily than if he were to use lots of unnecessary words and phrases.

Behavioural Studies

Self-Presentation, also known as Impression Management (IM) is primarily a goal-directed conscious or unconscious attempt to influence the perceptions of other people about a person, object or event by regulating and controlling information in social interaction. If a person tries to influence the perception of his image, this activity is called self-presentation. With regard to the self-monitoring, it is the extent to which people monitor and control their expressive behavior and self-presentation.High self-monitors exert more expressive control over their social behavior and tend to adapt their appearance and acts to specific circumstances. The situation is different with low self-monitors, who display less motivation towards improving their self-presentation. They act more naturally and are least bothered about their public image. This essay has been designed to establish a relationship between the self-presentation and self-monitoring. In the beginning both the concepts will be e xplained followed by an analysis of the relationship between them.What is Self-Presentation Self-presentation, also known as impression management is the process by which people attempt to manage or control the perception others form of them. There is often a tendency for people to try to present themselves so as to impress others in a socially desirable way. The theory of impression management states that any individual or organization must establish and maintain impressions that are congruent with the perceptions they want to convey to their publics.The impression management theory describes the methods through which people take actions to a create a public perception, in order to achieve their personal or organizational goals (â€Å"Impression Management† 2006, pars. 1-5). As with other cognitive processes, impression management has many possible conceptual dimensions (Dunegan 1993, pp. 491) and has been researched in relation to aggression, attitude change, attributions, social facilitation, and leadership.It is basically an intentional or un-intentional goal-directed approach to influence the perceptions of other people about a person, object or event by regulating and controlling information in social interaction. In short, we can say that if a person tries to influence the perception of his/her image, the activity is called self-presentation. What is Self-Monitoring In any scenario, people are generally motivated to behave appropriately and in a manner which is appealing to others.The theory of self-monitoring explains the extent to which people value, create, cultivate, and project social images and public appearance (Gangestad & Snyder, 2000, p. 531). The level of control which the people apply is different from a person to person. Some people may not care much about the perception others make of them. They say what they believe. These people are included in the category of low self-monitors. On the other hand, high self-monitors, are likely to avoid talking about themselves as they really are, and use pretense and deception in their efforts to play to the crowd (Buss and Brigg 1984, p.1310). In general, self-monitoring involves three major tendencies: †¢ The willingness to be the center of attention — a tendency to behave in outgoing, extraverted ways. †¢ Sensitivity to the reactions of others. †¢ Ability and willingness to adjust behavior to induce positive reactions in others. High and Low Self-Monitors As states earlier, some people are more sensitive to the image they form when in public. Such people are very self-conscious and like to ‘look good' and will hence usually adapt well to differing social situations. These people are called the high self-monitors.The high self-monitors would observe people and note their response to different behaviors of other people. On the other hand, there are people are less concerned about what others think about them. They are termed as low self-monitors . Low self-monitors do not make any effort to exercise control over their expressive behavior. High and low self-monitors possess different qualities. They regulate their behaviour in public in different ways. High self-monitors would generally adjust their social behaviours according to situational cues, whereas low self-monitors regulate their social behaviours according to their dispositions.Low self-monitors usually conform their behavior to their internal beliefs. Another major difference between high and low self-monitors is that the low self-monitors would choose friends based upon their liking whereas, the selection criteria for friends is different in high self-monitors. The high self-monitors choose friends as activity partners for their leisure time based on the friends’ skill in the specific activity. Moreover, high self-monitors will be more concerned about the partner’s physical appearance than the personality (Snyder, Berscheid, & Glick, 1985).Relationsh ip Between Self-Presentation and Self-Monitoring Self-presentation and self-monitoring are inter-related terms. In simple words, self-presentation is the way one presents himself/herself and self-monitoring is the level of control exerted during the process of self-presentation. Accordingly, high and low self-monitors will have different degree of self-presentation. High self-monitors are more adoptable and would adjust their behaviors across situations because they are more sensitive to the expectation of others.Their style of self-presentation would generally be more appropriate and suiting to every scenario they confront (Snyder, 1974, p. 527). They would always ask themselves as to what does this situation want them to be (Snyder, 1987, p. 32). They will constantly observe before exposing themselves. They will not express their emotions unless they are sure of their appropriateness. The high self-monitors will exhibit relatively low behavioral consistency across situations. They would tend to make a different image or face which is superficial, but will be corresponding to the situation.On the other hand, low self-monitors would present themselves as natural as they are and will seldom make any conscious effort to conceal their inner sentiments. Their behavior will usually be consistent across situations. The low self-monitors’ expressive self-presentation will be articulated by their inner attitudes, dispositions, and values. Low self-monitors are not concerned about the â€Å"appropriateness of their self-presentation† (Snyder, 1974. p. 527). Another important aspect of the relationship between self-presentation and low self-monitors is that they are often described as individuals who lack self-presentation concerns.They will not make much effort in adjusting their behaviour in accordance with situational demands. Their self-presentation will be natural and least concerned with the expectations of others. On the contrary, high self-monitors would make all concerted efforts in controlling their behavioural patterns which are conflicting with the situations. They are the ones whose self-presenting will be much applauded and their personalities will usually be graded as sober and acceptable. In one experiment, Snyder (1974) found that professional stage actors scored higher than non-actors on measures of self-monitoring.Professional actors genuinely possess acting ability and control over their emotions, expression, and behaviour. They were able to adapt to changing situations adequately. Their self-presentation was therefore much more stable and suiting the environment. In another experiment on ordinary college students, high self-monitors were found to be better than the low self-monitors in expressing different emotions like anger, happiness, sadness, surprise, disgust, fear, and guilt. High self-monitors can even adapt to sudden changing moods.When high self-monitors were asked to act like an extraverted, friendly, a nd outgoing person and then suddenly to act like an introverted, withdrawn, and reserved person, high self-monitors adopted each role better than low self-monitors did (Lippa, 1976). Conclusion Self-presentation is how we tend to present ourselves. It is how we want people to look at us. The art of exercising control over our emotions, behaviour, and moods is basically the self-monitoring. Self-monitoring refers to a person's ability to adjust his or her behaviour to external situational factors.Individuals high in self-monitoring show considerable adaptability in their behaviour. They can behave differently in varying situations. They are found to be much capable of presenting striking contradictions between the public persona and the private self. On the other hand, it becomes difficult for low self-monitors to disguise themselves this way (â€Å"Self-Monitoring Scale,† 2006). In nut shell, high self-monitors are more concerned about self-presentation than the low self-moni tors. Bibliography Buss, A. H. , & Briggs, S. R. (1984). Drama and the self in social interaction.Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 47, 1310-1324. Dunegan, K. J. (1993, June). Framing Cognitive Modes, and Image Theory. Journal of Applied Psychology, pp. 491. Gangestad, S. W. , & M. Snyder (2000). Self-monitoring: Appraisal and Reappraisal. Psychological Bulletin, 126, 530-555. â€Å"Impression Management,† (2006). Wikipedia, viewed 30 August 2006, http://www. answers. com/self-presentation Lippa, R. (1976). Expressive control, expressive consistency, and the correspondence between expressive behavior and personality. Journal of Personality, 44, 541-559.â€Å"Self-Monitoring Scale. † (2006). Viewed 30 August 2006, http://pubpages. unh. edu/~ckb/SELFMON2. html Snyder, M. (1974). Self-monitoring of expressive behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 30, 434-461. Snyder, M. (1987). Public appearances/private realities: The psychology of self-moni toring. New York, Freeman. Snyder, M. , Berscheid, E. , & Glick, P. (1985). Focusing on the exterior and the interior: Two investigations of the initiation of personal relationships. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 48 , 1427-1439.

The New Woman in Fanu’s Carmilla, Stoker’s Dracula, and...

The New Woman in Fanu’s Carmilla, Stoker’s Dracula, and Buffy the Vampire Slayer The correlation between the vampire, a figure that is usually regarded as the subject of social ostracism, and the New Woman, the advent of which was feared by the majority of the British Victorian patriarchy, was a prominent aspect of much mid-to-late Victorian era literature. Supplementary evidence to support the compelling Victorian era literary connection between the vampire and the New Woman can be extrapolated from the unique gender role standards that defined that socially complex era. As Catherine Siemann suggests in her essay, â€Å"Darkness Falls on the Endless Summer: Buffy as Gidget for the Fin de Siecle,† the Victorian New Woman’s â€Å"personal†¦show more content†¦In order to reinforce as loudly and clearly as possible the patriarchal message that in Victorian society, New Women were to be regarded as social pariahs, the ultimate destruction of these literary characters had to be performed in the most savage manner feasible, the brutality of whi ch is almost beyond belief. In Carmilla, prior to her slaughter, the male characters, representative of the Victorian patriarchy, dehumanize the vampire Carmilla, by no longer referring to her by name; Carmilla is simply reduced to being referred to as â€Å"the vampire† and â€Å"the body.† Dehumanization eliminates Carmilla’s individuality, metaphorically suggesting that her fate is the destiny that awaits all New Women. Carmilla’s execution is described as follows: The body, therefore, in accordance with the ancient practice, was raised, and a sharp stake driven through the heart of the vampire, who uttered a piercing shriek at the moment, in all respects such as might escape from a living person in the last agony. Then the head was struck off, and a torrent of blood flowed from the severed neck. The body and head were next placed on a pile of wood, and reduced to ashes, which were thrown upon the river and borne away, and that territory has never since been plagued by the visits of a vampire. (Le Fanu 336) Carmilla’s execution-style slaying